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If China Supports Russia In the war against Ukraine, they will pay an economic price, US Warns.

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Yang Jiechi, left, a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and director of the Office of the Foreign Affairs Commission of the CPC Central Committee, meets with U.S. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, right in Rome on March 14

If China Supports Russia In the war against Ukraine, they will pay an economic price, US Warns.

By Onome Naomi

China doesn’t like being told what to do and as a result , US is concerned China might provide Russia with military aid as the Invasion of Ukraine Could Upend the World Order.

Jake Sullivan looks flushed and his jaw is clenched. Across from President Joe Bidenā€™s National Security Adviser, over a row of ferns at a matching table draped in blue cloth, sits Chinaā€™s senior foreign affairs official Yang Jiechi, his mouth frozen in a sanguine smile.

The official photograph released by Chinaā€™s state-run news agency of the two men sitting face to face on March 14 in Rome is a snapshot of how Beijing wants to be seen at this moment as Chinaā€™s sometime ally Russia continues its deadly invasion of Ukraine: as a confident, emerging power facing a frustrated and worried United States.

Yang Jiechi, left, a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and director of the Office of the Foreign Affairs Commission of the CPC Central Committee, meets with U.S. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, right in Rome on March 14

The reality is more complicated. Russiaā€™s President Vladimir Putin is hoping Chinaā€™s leader Xi Jinping will seeĀ Russiaā€™s invasion of UkraineĀ as another step forward for the two countriesā€™ broader effort to push back against the worldā€™s democracies. Russia is courting Chinaā€™s support of its assault on Ukraine and hopes China will prop up Moscowā€™s faltering economy battered by sanctions. But if China further backs Russiaā€™s aggression with significant monetary help orā€”even more unsettlingā€”weapons, the blowback from the U.S. and European countries could threaten Chinaā€™s long-term effort to rise as the dominant global power.

WhatĀ China decides to doĀ about Russiaā€™s needs could mark a turning point in both the war in Ukraine and U.S.-China relations, and the outcome of Chinaā€™s choice will define what a new global order looks like. Will China continue to try to reshape the current global economy in its image by participating in it? Or will China join Russia behind a new Iron Curtain of sanctions, cut off from the U.S. and Europe and left to navigate a new monetary system and trading framework?

ā€œThis is really a crucial moment and potentially a turning point,ā€ says Bonnie Glaser, director of the Asia program at the German Marshall Fund of the United States. ā€œThey really are siding with the Russians. They are more closely aligned with the Russians than theyā€™ve ever been.ā€

China and Russia have occasionally had a strained relationship over the past several decades. Moscow and Beijing fought a border war in 1969 along the edge of Chinaā€™s northeast territory, and the two countries have never developed strong person-to-person ties across their shared 2,500 miles of border. As China has risen in global influence, Russiaā€™s leadership have resented the prospect of becoming a client state of Beijing.

But Chinaā€™s leaders are now leaning toward Moscow much more heavily than they did when trying to appear neutral following Putinā€™s seizure of Crimea in 2014. When Xi and Putin met at the opening of the Beijing Olympics on Feb. 4, the two agreed their countriesā€™ relationship would have ā€œno limitsā€ and ā€œno wavering,ā€ according to a Chinese governmentĀ descriptionĀ of the meeting. That was two weeks before Russian tanks rolled into Ukraine.

This has presented the Biden Administration with a delicate and growing challenge in how to talk to China about its assistance to Russia. The seven hours of talks between Sullivan and Yang inside the Rome Cavalieri hotel were ā€œintenseā€ and ā€œreflecting the gravity of the moment,ā€ a senior Administration official said, adding that the two officials had an ā€œextensive conversationā€ about Russiaā€™s war in Ukraine. Sullivan made it clear that the U.S. and European allies would consider cutting off Chinese financial institutions involved in backing Russiaā€™s war financially, said a person familiar with the discussions.

Broadly, Xi Jinping has calculated that the U.S. is in decline and Western democracies have failed, Glaser says, and that Russia is one ally that can work alongside China to create a different international system thatā€™s more favorable. But with Russiaā€™s violent effort to take Ukraine, that assessment comes with considerable risk for China. If Russia emerges weaker from its war in Ukraine, and China backed it, China could suffer major economic backlash. China relies heavily on its trading relationships with European countries and has worked hard to prevent Europe from restricting trade. ā€œThat would be huge, if China ends up with a vast amount of countries around the world that are aligned against it because it has sided with Russia,ā€ Glaser says.

Convincing European powers to punish China could be a tall order for President Biden, whoā€™s had to work hard to convince Europe to limit its financial and energy ties to Russia. Biden is set to travel to Europe next week to meet withĀ NATO allies, and Chinaā€™s degree of support for Russia will surely come up in those meetings. U.S. officials want to prepare allies for how to respond if China begins contributing more financially or militarily to Russia. Meanwhile, Xi showed the importance he puts on keeping lines of communication open with European powers when he joined a video call with French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz on March 8 to talk about the war in Ukraine.

This moment has put on a collision course two competing objectives of Chinaā€™s foreign policy, says David Shullman, a former senior U.S. intelligence analyst on East Asia. China wants Russia to be its partner in building a new global order, but it also wants to be viewed as a ā€œresponsible powerā€ that can someday lead the current one, or at least be at the center of a new system of global governance and connectivity, Shullman says. If China provides Russia with drones, surface to air missiles, or other weapons, ā€œIt would very clearly demonstrate that we have a break in what we expected out of the world order,ā€ Shullman says. ā€œIt would be clear that China had very firmly sided with Russia against the democratic world and against developed democracies.

 

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